In July 1945, Vannevar Bush published an essay in the Atlantic Monthly on the American science and technology community’s role in World War II. Before the war, Bush had founded the company that would become Raytheon; during it, he headed the US Office of Scientific Research and Development, initiating the Manhattan Project in that capacity. But in his 1945 essay, Bush remarked that World War II had not been “a scientist’s war.” Rather, it had been a “war in which all have had a part” and in which “scientists … have shared greatly and learned much.”
Today, the United States is once more locked in great power conflict. It faces an adversary with ambitions all too close to those of the Third Reich: The Chinese Communist Party is hell bent on remaking the global order in its authoritarian vision – and perpetuating atrocities of genocidal scope in the process. But this time, the US science and tech community lags in showing the patriotism, competitiveness, and sense of urgency that motivated Bush and his peers.
A recent PROTOCOL survey titled a “Tech To-Do List for Congress” asked US tech community leaders what the nation’s technology policy priorities should be. Not one of those leaders mentioned national security, China, or even the long-term strategic interests of the United States. Skimming the answers, one would be forgiven for thinking that the world is at peace, its challenges at most marginal inconveniences – certainly not outright land war in Eurasia and Cold War in the Pacific.
Russia has invaded Ukraine. China is conducting a genocide against ethnic minorities at home; directly threatening Taiwan, a robust democratic partner of the United States; stealing technology; and using that technology to export authoritarian control internationally while ushering in norms and standards around tech-enabled surveillance and population control. Apparently, none of that registers for Silicon Valley’s reps in DC. Right when the country needs them most, US scientific and technological leaders have turned a blind eye to the long-term national interests, those of Americans, and those of the world, all in favor of willful ignorance and a quick buck.
Right when the country needs them most, US scientific and technological leaders have turned a blind eye to the long-term national interests, those of Americans, and those of the world, all in favor of willful ignorance and a quick buck.
That’s music to Xi Jinping’s ears. It should terrify every leader in Washington. It should also terrify every Apple iPhone and Amazon Alexa user – and every American.
Of course, America’s technological capabilities are no less remarkable than they were two generations ago. American ingenuity is the source behind world-changing breakthroughs in everything from renewable energy to the internet. Apple’s market-leading, innovative products are designed in America.
But none of those realities are as comforting as they might sound. Those Apple products designed in America? They are “Made in China,” as are the inputs that feed into them. And the renewable energy technologies born in the United States? Those – everything from EV batteries to solar panels – are now largely manufactured in China, reliant on China-controlled supply chains, and with their cutting-edge technology feeding into Beijing’s techno-state.
In short, it turns out that all the Cupertino designs and wizards of Menlo Park in the world might not mean much for American security and prosperity. Especially not when they sell out the US industrial base – and, with it, US resilience.
Today’s tech elite have been socialized to accept a faulty framework in which the free and open exchange of technical knowledge is an inherent good no matter where that knowledge flows – and in which designing rather than producing generates advantage. Sadly, the authoritarian Chinese system has seized on these assumptions to leach US capacity and neuter America’s tech superiority. Beijing has weaponized free and open exchange through a “State led, Enterprise driven” model of economic warfare operationalized through a national strategy of “military-civil fusion.” China’s playbook rests on stealing US technological advantages, competing for their applications, and leveraging those for the sake of coercive economic and military influence. It’s working.
Congressional leaders in Washington have increasingly recognized and responded to this reality: Think of the policy and regulatory treatment of Chinese champions like Huawei, HikVision, DJI, SMIC. But even as Washington has started to fight back against the CCP, and even as the threat that Beijing presents has become increasingly clear, US industry has lagged – hungover on the elixir of cheap production and massive market opportunities dangled by China.
In short, it turns out that all the Cupertino designs and wizards of Menlo Park in the world might not mean much for American security and prosperity. Especially not when they sell out the US industrial base – and, with it, US resilience.
It is time for the US technology sector to recognize the near and present national security threat. It is time for US technology leaders to get on the right side of history. There is plenty of market opportunity to incentivize as much. The US market remains the world’s largest consumer. The latent operational costs of production in China are starting to come due. It makes moral and patriotic sense for the tech sector to abandon the ties that bind them to China. It also makes economic sense.
Government can only lead so far in this fight. To prevail against a centralized, Communist system, America needs its tech sector to grab the bull by the horns and lead, proactively.
Leadership can start with right-sizing asks of government. Privacy and anti-trust legislation can be developed with the interests of industry, consumers, and global competition all in mind. But it can’t stop there. Tech leaders also need to take the initiative. They need to align their business strategies and capital expenditures with the reality of deglobalization and long-term strategic competition between the United States and China. That means no more business with the enemy. It means no more duplicitous evasion of export restrictions or lobbying on behalf of adversarial forces.
More importantly, it means taking the initiative. The US tech ecosystem should invest at home, including in production. It should communicate clearly with the American government and the American people about the stakes of new technology. It should actively engage with the US defense industrial base – and not with China’s. And, throughout, it should work with the full faith of American capital markets to find growth in new, emerging, and aligned markets rather than relying only on China for fictitious quarterly gains.
Today’s war is one in which we will all need to do our part. That applies especially to the titans of the tech sector.
Nate Picarsic is a co-founder of Horizon Advisory, a supply chain and geopolitical risk startup, and a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. His commentaries on industrial innovation have been published in outlets ranging from TechCrunch to Defense One.
Emily de La Bruyere is a co-founder of Horizon Advisory, a supply chain and geopolitical risk startup, and a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Her analysis has been cited in outlets including The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and The Washington Post.
(Photo by Hamara/Shutterstock)
